Section 3: How did Stalin gain and hold on to power?
Focus Points
- Why did Stalin, and not Trotsky, emerge as Lenin's successor?
- Why did Stalin launch the Purges?
- What methods did Stalin use to control the Soviet Union?
- How complete was Stalin's control over the Soviet Union by 1941?
Stalin's Seizure of Power
Leon Trotsky
Trotsky rivaled Lenin in terms of political intellect. He was able to convince crowds of his point of view. He contributed almost as much as Lenin had and had orchestrated the October revolution, after only joining the party in 1917. He also won the Civil War by organizing the Red Army as Commissar of War. He dismissed other leading Bolsheviks out of lack of respect. He was one of the party's most loyal members and did not like the political infighting that frequent occurred; he preferred debate.
He was a late convert from the Mensheviks but had outstanding achievements in negotiations at Brest-Litovsk and in the Civil War. A brilliant speaker, he was the obvious choice to succeed, but he took things for granted. He was arrogant, and not liked by his fellow Bolsheviks.
Trotsky rivaled Lenin in terms of political intellect. He was able to convince crowds of his point of view. He contributed almost as much as Lenin had and had orchestrated the October revolution, after only joining the party in 1917. He also won the Civil War by organizing the Red Army as Commissar of War. He dismissed other leading Bolsheviks out of lack of respect. He was one of the party's most loyal members and did not like the political infighting that frequent occurred; he preferred debate.
He was a late convert from the Mensheviks but had outstanding achievements in negotiations at Brest-Litovsk and in the Civil War. A brilliant speaker, he was the obvious choice to succeed, but he took things for granted. He was arrogant, and not liked by his fellow Bolsheviks.
Stalin vs. Trotsky
Trotsky and Stalin's relationship was always frosty. Even before the October Revolution, Stalin distrusted Trotsky as Trotsky was allied with Lenin's political rivals in the Menshevik party. Later the rivalry solidified into a split, and Trotsky became a Menshevik and Stalin a Bolshevik.
After the Revolution (Trotsky had become a Bolshevik in October 1917), Stalin was humiliated by Trotsky over Stalin's failures at the battle of Tsaritsyn. Stalin repaid the favor, telling him the wrong day for Lenin's funeral. Stalin, and many in the Politburo, were concerned that Trotsky would use his influence with the Red Army to seize power - so he became more and more isolated.
Stalin and Trotsky argued particularly over issues like industrialization strategy and policy towards the peasants. But Stalin and Trotsky were not deeply divided on these issues. They were both industrialisers without any special tenderness towards the peasants, though Stalin’s public stance in the mid-1920s was more moderate than Trotsky’s. A few years later Stalin was accused of stealing Trotsky’s policies in the First Five-Year Plan drive for rapid industrialisation. For rank-and-file party members, these disagreements on issues seemed much less important than their differences in personality
Trotsky and Stalin's relationship was always frosty. Even before the October Revolution, Stalin distrusted Trotsky as Trotsky was allied with Lenin's political rivals in the Menshevik party. Later the rivalry solidified into a split, and Trotsky became a Menshevik and Stalin a Bolshevik.
After the Revolution (Trotsky had become a Bolshevik in October 1917), Stalin was humiliated by Trotsky over Stalin's failures at the battle of Tsaritsyn. Stalin repaid the favor, telling him the wrong day for Lenin's funeral. Stalin, and many in the Politburo, were concerned that Trotsky would use his influence with the Red Army to seize power - so he became more and more isolated.
Stalin and Trotsky argued particularly over issues like industrialization strategy and policy towards the peasants. But Stalin and Trotsky were not deeply divided on these issues. They were both industrialisers without any special tenderness towards the peasants, though Stalin’s public stance in the mid-1920s was more moderate than Trotsky’s. A few years later Stalin was accused of stealing Trotsky’s policies in the First Five-Year Plan drive for rapid industrialisation. For rank-and-file party members, these disagreements on issues seemed much less important than their differences in personality
The Power Struggle
When Lenin died in 1924 there were several leading Communist who were possible candidates to take his place. There would not be leadership elections. The Communist Party did not work that way. The leader would be the one who showed he had the most power within the party. Among the contenders were Kamanev and Zinoviev, leading Bolsheviks who had played important parts in the Bolshevik revolution of 1917. Bukharin was a more moderate member of the party who favored the NEP and wanted to introduce Communism gradually to the USSR.
However, the real struggle to succeed Lenin was between two leading figures and bitter rivals in the Communist Party, Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky. The struggle between these two was long and hard and it was not until 1929 that Stalin made himself completely secure as the supreme leader of the USSR. Stalin achieved this through a combination of political scheming, the mistakes of his opponents and the clever way in which he built up his power base.
When Lenin died in 1924 there were several leading Communist who were possible candidates to take his place. There would not be leadership elections. The Communist Party did not work that way. The leader would be the one who showed he had the most power within the party. Among the contenders were Kamanev and Zinoviev, leading Bolsheviks who had played important parts in the Bolshevik revolution of 1917. Bukharin was a more moderate member of the party who favored the NEP and wanted to introduce Communism gradually to the USSR.
However, the real struggle to succeed Lenin was between two leading figures and bitter rivals in the Communist Party, Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky. The struggle between these two was long and hard and it was not until 1929 that Stalin made himself completely secure as the supreme leader of the USSR. Stalin achieved this through a combination of political scheming, the mistakes of his opponents and the clever way in which he built up his power base.
At the beginning of the power struggle, nobody expected Stalin to emerge. He was dismissed as the underdog amongst more powerful competitors. Trotsky was arrogant and overconfident that he would win the position of supreme leader. Stalin's first move was to trick Trotsky into missing Lenin's funeral. Trotsky did not expect this at all, and was made to look disrespectful. Stalin took the opportunity to appear as Lenin's closest friend at his funeral.
Krupskya (Lenin's widowed wife) gave Lenin's secret testament to the Central Committee. If read to Congress, the testament would have spelt the end of Stalin as it said that Trotsky was the most viable leader. This united Zinoviev and Kamanev, who both urged that the testament not be published.
This made Trotsky criticize them for not being 'communist' enough. At the time, he was starting to lose popular support to Stalin, Kamanev and Zinoviev. Stalin stopped Trotsky from gaining this support back by influencing the appointment of the 13th Congress; Stalin was secretary-general and appointed Stalinist delegates.
After this, Stalin isolated himself and built up a strong power base while Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamanev fought amongst themselves. Stalin was prepared to involve his new supporters when he reentered the fight.
Stalin promoted 'socialism in one country' and got rid of Zinoviev and Kamanev. His policy of 'socialism in one country' showed that he cared about ordinary Russians. At this point, Bukharin, who supported Stalin at the time, entered the competition. With Zinoviev and Kamanev gone, Stalin drifted to the right of the party. However, Zinoviev and Kamanev made a comeback and denounced Stalin. Stalin also had to worry about Bukharin: he was a powerful competitor, a favorite of the party and the people.
At this point, Trotsky reentered the fight and allied with Zinoviev and Kamanev, all three of whom were expelled from the party. This meant that Stalin had no more left-wing opposition. Trotsky made one last comeback and supported Bukharin against Stalin. However, Stalin's now-massive power base saved him again and he came out on top.
Krupskya (Lenin's widowed wife) gave Lenin's secret testament to the Central Committee. If read to Congress, the testament would have spelt the end of Stalin as it said that Trotsky was the most viable leader. This united Zinoviev and Kamanev, who both urged that the testament not be published.
This made Trotsky criticize them for not being 'communist' enough. At the time, he was starting to lose popular support to Stalin, Kamanev and Zinoviev. Stalin stopped Trotsky from gaining this support back by influencing the appointment of the 13th Congress; Stalin was secretary-general and appointed Stalinist delegates.
After this, Stalin isolated himself and built up a strong power base while Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamanev fought amongst themselves. Stalin was prepared to involve his new supporters when he reentered the fight.
Stalin promoted 'socialism in one country' and got rid of Zinoviev and Kamanev. His policy of 'socialism in one country' showed that he cared about ordinary Russians. At this point, Bukharin, who supported Stalin at the time, entered the competition. With Zinoviev and Kamanev gone, Stalin drifted to the right of the party. However, Zinoviev and Kamanev made a comeback and denounced Stalin. Stalin also had to worry about Bukharin: he was a powerful competitor, a favorite of the party and the people.
At this point, Trotsky reentered the fight and allied with Zinoviev and Kamanev, all three of whom were expelled from the party. This meant that Stalin had no more left-wing opposition. Trotsky made one last comeback and supported Bukharin against Stalin. However, Stalin's now-massive power base saved him again and he came out on top.
Stalin's Power Base
Stalin's position as Secretary-General of the 13th Congress gave him control, to some extent, of the business of the Politburo. For example, drawing up agendas and papers for the Politburo meetings gave him control over what was discussed and what information other members received.
He was also in control of the organization of the party. This meant that he could influence the selection of delegates who were sent to the annual party congress where major issues of policy were decided and the Central Committee was chosen. He could pack the congress with his supporters. This accounts for the hostile reception Trotsky received at conferences from 1924 onwards and the number of delegates who voted the way Stalin wanted. His ability to deliver votes in the congresses made him a valuable ally. This is why Zinoviev and Kamenev initially sought his support.
His control of party membership allowed him to get rid of the more radical elements - students and soldiers - who were likely to support Trotsky. Stalin supervised the ‘Lenin Enrollment’ of 1924 and 1925, in which the party almost doubled its membership to one million. The new members tended to be young urban workers, poorly educated ex-peasants who were not interested in ideological debate and were likely to be what their local party organizer told them to do. Stalin’s practical policies based on nationalism appealed to them.
Stalin's positions in Orgburo and the Secretariat were also important. These gave him control of appointments to positions of responsibility in the party structure. He could put his supporters in key positions. In particular, the party secretaries from regional to local party level were increasingly Stalin’s men: party secretaries of regions like the Ukraine were very powerful and at lower levels could virtually decide how party members voted.
Stalin's position as Secretary-General of the 13th Congress gave him control, to some extent, of the business of the Politburo. For example, drawing up agendas and papers for the Politburo meetings gave him control over what was discussed and what information other members received.
He was also in control of the organization of the party. This meant that he could influence the selection of delegates who were sent to the annual party congress where major issues of policy were decided and the Central Committee was chosen. He could pack the congress with his supporters. This accounts for the hostile reception Trotsky received at conferences from 1924 onwards and the number of delegates who voted the way Stalin wanted. His ability to deliver votes in the congresses made him a valuable ally. This is why Zinoviev and Kamenev initially sought his support.
His control of party membership allowed him to get rid of the more radical elements - students and soldiers - who were likely to support Trotsky. Stalin supervised the ‘Lenin Enrollment’ of 1924 and 1925, in which the party almost doubled its membership to one million. The new members tended to be young urban workers, poorly educated ex-peasants who were not interested in ideological debate and were likely to be what their local party organizer told them to do. Stalin’s practical policies based on nationalism appealed to them.
Stalin's positions in Orgburo and the Secretariat were also important. These gave him control of appointments to positions of responsibility in the party structure. He could put his supporters in key positions. In particular, the party secretaries from regional to local party level were increasingly Stalin’s men: party secretaries of regions like the Ukraine were very powerful and at lower levels could virtually decide how party members voted.
Stalin's Dictatorship
The Purges
Stalin started a series of purges in the 1920s and 30s. He purged anyone who delayed or criticized his plans for collectivization or industrialization. Most were deported or imprisoned. Some were shot. The first victims were managers and workers who were accused of wrecking the first Five-Year plan, kulaks accused of opposition to collectivization and ordinary party members accused of incorrect attitudes.
Purges in the 1920s usually took place when leaders were seeking to exercise more control over the communist party or to reshape it. The party often lowered entry standards in order to gain more members during periods of crisis. Party members were required to exchange their party cards for new ones or to verify their party documents. In this process, people were refused new cards: they were expelled but not arrested, making the chistki a generally non-violent process.
The first signs of the terror which was to come appeared in 1928 when Stalin, without much evidence, accused a number of engineers of sabotage in the important Donbass mining region. In 1931 a number of former Mensheviks were put on trial on charges that were obviously made up.
However, the really terrifying period in Stalin's rule, began in 1934 when Kirov, the leader of the Leningrad Communist Party was murdered. Stalin used this murder as an excuse to 'purge' his opponents in the party. In 'show trials', loyal Bolsheviks, such as Kamanev (1936), Bukharin (1938), and Zinoviev (1936), confessed to being traitors to the state. It was not only leading figures who were purged. Estimates suggest that around half a million party members were arrested on charges of anti-Soviet activities and either executed or sent to gulags. In 1940, Trotsky, in exile in Mexico, was murdered by Stalin's agents.
After the trials, Stalin turned his attention to the army, particularly the officers. Approximately 25,000 officers were removed - around one in five - including the Supreme Commander of the Red Army.
As the Purges were extended, university lecturers and teachers, miners and engineers, factory managers and ordinary workers all disappeared. It is said that every family in the USSR lost someone in the Purges. One of the most frightening aspects was the unpredictability. Arrests would take place in the middle of the night and victims were rarely told what they were accused of. Days of physical and psychological torture would gradually break the victims and they would confess to anything. If the torture failed, the NKVD would threaten the families of those arrested.
By 1937 an estimated 18 million people had been transported to labor camps. Ten million died. Stalin seriously weakened the USSR by removing so many able individuals. The army purges were nearly fatal to the USSR. When Hitler invaded the USSR in 1941, one of the key problems of the Red Army was a lack of good-quality, experienced officers. Stalin had also succeeded in destroying any sense of independent thinking. Everyone who was spared knew that their lives depended on thinking exactly as Stalin did. In the population as a whole, the long-term impact of living with terror and distrust haunted the USSR for a generation.
Stalin started a series of purges in the 1920s and 30s. He purged anyone who delayed or criticized his plans for collectivization or industrialization. Most were deported or imprisoned. Some were shot. The first victims were managers and workers who were accused of wrecking the first Five-Year plan, kulaks accused of opposition to collectivization and ordinary party members accused of incorrect attitudes.
Purges in the 1920s usually took place when leaders were seeking to exercise more control over the communist party or to reshape it. The party often lowered entry standards in order to gain more members during periods of crisis. Party members were required to exchange their party cards for new ones or to verify their party documents. In this process, people were refused new cards: they were expelled but not arrested, making the chistki a generally non-violent process.
The first signs of the terror which was to come appeared in 1928 when Stalin, without much evidence, accused a number of engineers of sabotage in the important Donbass mining region. In 1931 a number of former Mensheviks were put on trial on charges that were obviously made up.
However, the really terrifying period in Stalin's rule, began in 1934 when Kirov, the leader of the Leningrad Communist Party was murdered. Stalin used this murder as an excuse to 'purge' his opponents in the party. In 'show trials', loyal Bolsheviks, such as Kamanev (1936), Bukharin (1938), and Zinoviev (1936), confessed to being traitors to the state. It was not only leading figures who were purged. Estimates suggest that around half a million party members were arrested on charges of anti-Soviet activities and either executed or sent to gulags. In 1940, Trotsky, in exile in Mexico, was murdered by Stalin's agents.
After the trials, Stalin turned his attention to the army, particularly the officers. Approximately 25,000 officers were removed - around one in five - including the Supreme Commander of the Red Army.
As the Purges were extended, university lecturers and teachers, miners and engineers, factory managers and ordinary workers all disappeared. It is said that every family in the USSR lost someone in the Purges. One of the most frightening aspects was the unpredictability. Arrests would take place in the middle of the night and victims were rarely told what they were accused of. Days of physical and psychological torture would gradually break the victims and they would confess to anything. If the torture failed, the NKVD would threaten the families of those arrested.
By 1937 an estimated 18 million people had been transported to labor camps. Ten million died. Stalin seriously weakened the USSR by removing so many able individuals. The army purges were nearly fatal to the USSR. When Hitler invaded the USSR in 1941, one of the key problems of the Red Army was a lack of good-quality, experienced officers. Stalin had also succeeded in destroying any sense of independent thinking. Everyone who was spared knew that their lives depended on thinking exactly as Stalin did. In the population as a whole, the long-term impact of living with terror and distrust haunted the USSR for a generation.
The new constitution
In 1936 Stalin created a new constitution for the USSR. It gave freedom of speech and free elections to the Russian people. This was, of course, a cosmetic measure. Only Communist Party candidates were allowed to stand in elections, and only approved newspapers and magazines could be published.
In 1936 Stalin created a new constitution for the USSR. It gave freedom of speech and free elections to the Russian people. This was, of course, a cosmetic measure. Only Communist Party candidates were allowed to stand in elections, and only approved newspapers and magazines could be published.
The Cult of Personality
Even though Stalin's dictatorship seems like a time of terror and oppression, the average Soviet citizen at the time actually admired Stalin. For most Soviet citizens, Stalin was not a tyrant dominating an oppressed country. He and his style of government were popular. The Communist Party saw him as a winner and the Soviet citizens saw him as a 'dictator of the people'. The Soviet people sincerely believed in Stalin and this belief was built up quite deliberately by Communist leaders and by Stalin himself. It developed into what is known as the Cult of Personality. The history of the Soviet Union was rewritten so that Lenin and Stalin were the only real heroes of the October revolution.
The Soviet education system was geared not to independent thinking but to Stalinist propaganda. Schoolchildren were also expected to join the Young Pioneers:
Even though Stalin's dictatorship seems like a time of terror and oppression, the average Soviet citizen at the time actually admired Stalin. For most Soviet citizens, Stalin was not a tyrant dominating an oppressed country. He and his style of government were popular. The Communist Party saw him as a winner and the Soviet citizens saw him as a 'dictator of the people'. The Soviet people sincerely believed in Stalin and this belief was built up quite deliberately by Communist leaders and by Stalin himself. It developed into what is known as the Cult of Personality. The history of the Soviet Union was rewritten so that Lenin and Stalin were the only real heroes of the October revolution.
The Soviet education system was geared not to independent thinking but to Stalinist propaganda. Schoolchildren were also expected to join the Young Pioneers:
"I, a Young Pioneer of the Soviet Union, in the presence of my comrades, solemnly promise to love my Soviet motherland passionately, and to live, learn and struggle as the great Lenin bade us and the Communist Party teaches us"
- the promise made by each member of the Young Pioneers.
Religious worship of any kind was banned. Stalin did not want the people to have loyalty to anyone else but him. Instead, people were encouraged to worship Stalin. Belief in God and the words of priests had to be replaced by belief in Communism and the words of its leaders.
How secure was Stalin as leader?
Stalin had outmaneuvered all of his rivals; Trotsky was in exile in Mexico and the Five Year Plans and collectivization were over their early problems. The Cult of Personality working well: art and literature was used as communist/Stalin propaganda.
However, it was largely his own paranoia that made him see rivals everywhere. The death of Kirov meant that he began the Purge of Old Bolsheviks, the military, managers, experts and ‘slackers’; the very numbers purged show his lack of security.
Stalin had outmaneuvered all of his rivals; Trotsky was in exile in Mexico and the Five Year Plans and collectivization were over their early problems. The Cult of Personality working well: art and literature was used as communist/Stalin propaganda.
However, it was largely his own paranoia that made him see rivals everywhere. The death of Kirov meant that he began the Purge of Old Bolsheviks, the military, managers, experts and ‘slackers’; the very numbers purged show his lack of security.